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NEW ANNALS OF VOYAGES,
THE MOUTH OF THE COLUMBIA
TO SAINT-LOUIS, ON THE MISSISSIPPI, IN 1812;
Preceded by a sea voyage from New York to the mouth of the Columbia; an account of what occurred at Fort Astoria during more than one year (of 1811 to 1812), and of a Voyage from Saint-Louis to Fort Astoria; Translated and extracted from the handwritten journals kept by the travelers, in English (1).
The Columbia River has its mouth on the northwestern coast of North America, at 46° 19' north and 126° 14' 15", west of Paris. It was discovered, on May 7, 1792, by Captain Robert Gray, commanding the ship Columbia. From a distance of six miles offshore, an opening was seen which appeared to indicate a harbor; they immediately put launched a boat to seek an anchorage without finding any; but as the ship approached the coast, from the top of the mast they sighted an entry in the middle of a sand bar. It was not until the 11th that the Columbia, having surmounted the currents, having passed the sand banks and having crossed the breakers, entered a large river of calm water. Captain Gray dropped anchor there. He then went up the river a distance of fifteen miles, where the bed narrowed to the degree that it was almost impossible to sail there; thus Captain Gray thought that it was not navigable higher. Having finished operations and taken reconnaissance of the country, he named the river the Columbia, the northern point Cape Hancock, and the southern point Adams Point. They again passed the bar without incident, and returned to the open ocean on the 20th.
During its entire stay in waters of the Columbia, the ship was surrounded by the dugouts of the Tchinouk Indians.
The preceding details seem necessary because some geography books have incorrectly credited the discovery of this river to English navigators. The facts given here are drawn from an authentic extract of the log-book (or journal) of Captain Gray. Besides, it is enough to take notice of the names themselves to be convinced that they were bestowed by an American navigator: that of Colombia is frequently employed by the citizens of the United States since the time of their independence; those of Hancock and Adams honor two founders of American freedom. Furthermore, one finds in the Voyage of Vancouver invaluable information on the discovery of the Columbia. This English captain, to whom geography owes so much for his reconnaissance of the north-western coast of North America, met Captain Gray on April 29, 1792, near the entry of the straight of Juan de Fuca 48° 24' north, who informed him of his discovery; but, at that time, he had not yet entered the river; he had only recognized its mouth. He added that for nine days the force of the current prevented him from entering there. Vancouver then carried on his course to the north, and Gray sailed to the south (2). Vancouver, having finished his undertaking in the north, returned to the south, and, on October 19, was opposite Cape Disappointment, which, he says, “forms the northern point of the entry of the river, named Columbia by Mr. Gray (3).” He wanted to enter the river following the Chatam, his smaller vessel; but the headwind, the breakers and the strong currents prevented execution of his plan; he was forced to abandon it, convinced that Mr. Broughton (4), who commanded the Chatam, was fully capable of reconnoitering the navigable extent of the Columbia and acquiring all possible information on the interior of the country. Broughton, indeed, went up the river as far as 84 miles, and claimed it in the name of the king of Great Britain, because he believed that he was the first subject of any civilized power to have journeyed there (5). But Captain Gray was the first as far as the right of possession, and the treaties have since confirmed the claims of the United States.
Vancouver also made a reconnaissance of a port discovered by Gray, north of the Columbia, named Grays-Harbor (6).
Mackenzie, to whom we owe great discoveries in the western part of North America, erred by marking on his chart the mouth of Columbia to be that of the Tacoutché-Tessé, whose course he had followed for a considerable time, but had left in the middle of the mountains. This river empties into the sea near 50° north; and, between its mouth and that of Columbia, another river empties into the ocean at 48° N; the Caledonia, whose name proves that we owe our knowledge of it to British navigators from Scotland. But, if Mackenzie was mistaken on the course of the Columbia, he correctly judged the advantages that this river offers to trade. “Whichever route one follows”, he says, “upon leaving the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, it is necessary to follow the Columbia to get to the Pacific Ocean; this river is the line of communication which nature traced between these two seas, since it is the only navigable one in all the extent of the coast examined so carefully by Vancouver; its banks also offer the first flat country encountered on the coast to the south of Cook Inlet, and is consequently the northernmost point where one can found a colony suitable as a residence for civilized people (7).”
These judicious reflections had not escaped the citizens of the United States of North America. They naturally thought of forming trading establishments on the Columbia, its mouth being included within the boundaries of the Union (which extend from the 42° to the 49° parallel north). Already Captains Lewis and Clarke had erected a fort at the mouth to spend the winter of 1805 there, but it was completely abandoned upon their departure. In its place, Fort Astoria was built on left bank of the mouth of Columbia in 1811 and it promises to become the chief town of a colony. It owes its name to Mr. J.J. Astor, businessman of New York and director of the company which was formed to pursue the fur trade on the Pacific coast.
In 1810, Mr. Astor dispatched the ship Tonquin with a cargo to trade for furs at the mouth of Columbia. This ship also carried a number of workmen and hunters, mainly Canadian, intended to remain at the establishment once formed. On the other coast, five company associates left New York by land and arrived at Saint Louis on the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Missouri. There, they assembled a party made up of about sixty men and traveled west to the mouth of Columbia. The American newspapers published accounts from this voyage at the time, and another one that was undertaken later by some of the associates to return to Saint Louis from the Columbia (8). These accounts, the latter being very brief, were translated in Annals of Voyages (9); but, as the original diaries contain many interesting details, we thought that a more extensive extract would please the readers of New Annals, in particular, that of the journey from the mouth of the Columbia to Saint Louis. We have also provided a map drawn up according to materials provided by the travelers.
On September 6, 1810, the ship Tonquin, commanded by Captain Jonathan Thorn, sailed from New York. Besides its crew of 21 men, it carried four partners of the company, Misters A. Mackay, Duncan Macdougall, D. Stuart and R. Stuart; ten clerks and seventeen workmen of various professions, laborers, and hunters. The names of the majority indicate their French origin.
On December 25, they rounded Cape Horn with favorable winds; weather was fair, but cold.
On February 11, 1811, they anchored in the bay of Katacacoa of the isle of Ovaïhy. They went then to Vahou, and took on board there seventeen islanders who willingly signed on as either sailors or as workmen.
On March 22, the Tonquin arrived at the mouth of Columbia. Bad weather prevented it from passing the bar before the 25th. On the 22nd, a boat containing a Master, a sailor, and three Canadians was lost by the violence of the breakers. On the 24th, a second boat capsized and five more men, three of whom were Sandwich islanders, lost their lives.
These two accidents were caused by the stubbornness of the captain.
On the 28th, they unloaded the livestock, which consisted of a ram, a ewe, three goats, a goat, four boars, and ten sows. Later, they choose a site to build a fort on the south bank of the river. The ground was so covered with half-rotten stumps, large trees, and dense brush, that much effort was required to clear it. However, the carpenters occupied themselves with the logging and woodworking necessary for the construction of the lodgings and the stores, and for a ship. At the same time, ground was plowed to sow corn, pot herbs, vegetables, and potatoes.
On June 2, the Tonquin, after having discharged the portion of its cargo intended for the establishment, left to trade furs further north along the coast. Mr. Mackay embarked as supercargo, assisting the captain. The ship had a tragic destiny. About the middle of July, a confused report was received from the Indians that the crew had been massacred. This was not initially believed, but, on the afternoon of August 11, a Tchinouk came to the American trading post and gave further details which left no more doubt. He heard them from other Indians recently from the country of the Niouetians. According to their account, the cause of the catastrophe should be blamed on Captain Thorn. He offered to give the Niouetians, having come on board to bargain, only two wool blankets for a marine otter pelt. The Indians were very displeased with the offer, and a chief spoke insolently to the captain, who hit him in the face with an otter pelt. The chief, enraged, returned all his people to shore. The following day, the Tonquin made sail for Noutka, behind about sixty boats of Niouetians. These boats had gone immediately after the incident to find the chief of Noutka, to request he join them. He agreed, and, the following day, they accosted the ship with furs. They traded two blankets and two knives per otter pelt, and everyone seemed satisfied. The trade with the Indians went briskly, and their number increased at every moment. At a given signal, four of them fell on Captain Thorn, and a fifth cut his throat. Others attacked Mr. Mackay, but he withdrew to the forecastle where, with his dagger, he furiously killed three of them. They nevertheless overcame him, and he received a blow in the face with a club, cutting him down. While this was going on, each man of the crew was attacked by two Indians and massacred, except for four sailors who went down into the powder stores and ignited them, heroically sacrificing their lives by blowing the ship up with a hundred savages still on board (10).
The Americans at the trading post realized that their neighbors, the Tchinouks, had known all the details of this sad business for quite some time. “Concomby, their chief, had strictly forbidden his people from saying anything, under pretext of not aggrieving us”, said the narrator Mr. Macdougall, “but we had good reasons to believe that the friendship which they professed for us was only pretended. Indeed, his conduct for some time, and various other suspect circumstances, made us think that his only goal by not telling us this news, was to inspire a false sense of security, so that, having let down our guard, we could be more easily attacked when the opportunity of presented itself. I am persuaded that, since the departure of Tonquin, they were only waiting for a favorable moment. Consequently I drilled all my men, and I ensured that the weapons were kept in good order.”
Afterward, the Indians brought news which did not always prove true. On April 30, one arrived from the rapids of the Columbia. He announced that he had seen a company of thirty whites who had built houses, etc, close to the second rapids. It was supposed that these whites, from the description he gave, were agents of the English North-West company. Consequently a detachment was dispatched to check out this report and to take measures in the event it was found to be opposition to the enterprise. The detachment was commanded by Misters Mackay and D. Stuart. Upon their return, on May 15, they reported that they had gone to the grand rapids, where they encountered Indians who usually live close to the Rocky Mountains. Those Indians, as well as those who normally live in the area, assured the Americans that no white man had appeared in the vicinity, but that they had learned, from some Indians who had come from beyond the mountains, that a company of whites, similar to those which they had seen with the captains Lewis and Clarke, were on their way to the Columbia. The Americans supposed that they were the people belonging to their own company; because it seemed implausible that anyone else would be considering establishing themselves on this river.
Another time, on June 14, Kemakiah, chief of the Clatsops, informed the Americans that two Indians from far in the interior were at the village of Cathlamets. He also gave a long story on the reasons for their journey, but not a word could be understood. The following day, the two Indians (a man and a woman), arrived in a dugout with seven other natives, mostly Clatsops. He delivered a letter addressed to Mr. Stuart, at Fort Estekakamac. Mr. Macdougall opened it. It was dated from Fort Flathead, on April 5. Neither its contents, nor the questions which were asked of the Indian, could shed light on the cause of their voyage. But it was soon realized that this foreigner spoke the language of Kaisténaux, which lead to suspicion that he was a half-breed of the nations of the north-west and a spy for the company of the same name. A few days afterward, the foreigner incurred the hatred of Tchinouks. They threatened to kill him, and the poor devil would have liked to run away; but all the Indians of the vicinity were upset with him. “We made all efforts to reassure him,” says Mr. Macdougall, “though we were convinced that his fears were well founded. If we had not taken him under our protection at the moment of his arrival, he would have been a victim of the Indian’s fear that he might give them smallpox. He had had the imprudence to boast of having that power. The chiefs of the Tchinouks and the Clatsops often came to ask us to deliver him and his wife to them, so that they could make slaves of them, or to keep them ourselves as such. We pretended to agree to the latter, well knowing that, once these poor souls were in their hands, their death would be inevitable. This fear made the Indian more communicative regarding the inhabitants and the products of the interior, and especially on the distance to the establishments of the North -West Company from the grand rapids of the Columbia. We learned, to our great surprise, that they were only fourteen days distance by horseback. The various reports that he gave us regarding the upper part of the river, and the favorable way in which he described the numerous tribes along its banks, made us fear that he would escape and we would lose an opportunity to reconnoiter the country. Because three among us understood his language, it was decided, after careful deliberation, to send Mr. D. Stuart with eight men to the banks of the Ouahnadihi, or Djaaggama-Nibi, as the Indian called it. There, they were to build a small establishment, if the character of the inhabitants and the prospects of the country invited it, and to engage the Indian to remain with them, or better, to return to the fort, because the knowledge that he had acquired of the country would prove very useful another time. Mr. D. Stuart and his small party embarked on July 22, traveling in three bark dugouts and carrying a supply of goods. They started in company with a Mr. Thompson, an agent of the North-West company of Canada. This gentleman had arrived on the 15th in a dugout of cedar bark, together with eight men. He had crossed the Rocky-Mountains the previous December and January.
On August 11, the day we learned of the catastrophe of the Tonquin, several Indians came to the fort. Among them was a Tchinouk, who had arrived from the south a few days before. “He told us that about a year before”, said Mr. Macdougall, “he had gone north with a ship from Boston, but that on their return, the weather was so bad that the captain did not dare to enter the river, and so proceeded onward to Canton. He sold his cargo there and returned to America, where he started to trade with the Spanish colonies. He met some other American ships there. The captain of one of those took the Tchinouk and ten Niouetians on board from the ship where they were, and set sail for the Columbia. But they had hardly left the Spanish settlements, when a blizzard arose. During the night, the ship was driven onto rocks and was destroyed; all the whites perished. The Tchinouk and the other Indians, being put on a boat, fortunately gained the coast. It was deserted. They followed the coastline for several days without being able to obtain food or fire. Eventually they came to some huts, where the inhabitants offered them food; but they refused for fear of being poisoned, preferring to nourish themselves with shellfish and frogs. Besides, the natives hardly made them feel welcome. After resting two days, the travelers proceeded onward. After a few days, the appearance of the country became less arid, and they found it more populated; but the inhabitants appeared wild and ill-disposed towards the foreigners. They attacked the poor travelers; seven were killed, and the four others enslaved. Finally, Dhaickouan, one of the chiefs of the Clemaks, having come to this region to trade fifteen or so days before, bought their freedom. The Tchinouk gave some curious details on the coast that he had traversed. He spoke, among other things, about the mouth of a large river that he had much difficulty crossing.”
Since the beginning, the Tchinouks and Clatsops had been coming every day to visit the Americans. Usually they brought pelts, but seldom in considerable quantity. They had salmon in abundance, but a superstitious idea kept them from supplying it to the Americans in sufficient quantity. They believed that, if one cuts this fish transversely, and if one makes it boil, salmon would no longer return to the river. They thus insisted that only they be allowed to prepare and roast it. Seeing that they brought so little, the Americans initially supposed that the Indians plotted to starve the establishment, and were agreeably surprised when they learned the true reason for their conduct.
But, as had already been seen, the sincerity of the Tchinouks was suspect, in spite of their protests of friendship. “We knew”, says the narrator, “that they intended to attack us after the departure of the ship. An accident came to our aid. Gassagass, son of Concomby, wounded a Ichitchilich chief dangerously while playing ball. Tchinouks, fearing that this misfortune would lead to retribution from that tribe if the injury proved mortal, professed more good will towards us than usual. Some even informed us that the Ichitchilichs, who were gathered in a nearby bay fishing sturgeons, had bad intentions towards us. We knew, indeed, that about fifty dugouts were waiting to the north, and as many to the south; this together with the warning made us fear a general plan of attack against us. The only means of being able to hold out against so many men was to fortify ourselves, which we did as well as our means allowed.”
“Two days later, some Tchinouks, having come to see us, seemed dissatisfied at the preparations of defense which they saw. We needed some logs for our palisades. We went to cut some; the Indians furnished some too. Kamakiah, chief of Clatsops, Concomby and his son, brought us some. We led Concomby to believe that we intended them to build a blacksmith shop, because the idea of helping us to build a stockade was disagreeable to him.
“Towards the end of August, some Ichitchilichs came to see us and brought beavers and sturgeons. We asked them why their tribe did not directly bring us the products of its hunting and its fishing, rather than sending them to us by Tchinouks. They answered that the latter had informed them not to come to us, because we were angry with them because of their conduct towards other Americans who had come before to trade on this coast, and consequently they should not fall into our hands. We convinced them of the falseness of this report, that the Tchinouks only invented it to monopolize the trade. We added that, if they are conducted themselves well, far from having antipathy towards them, we would have much friendship for them.”
In addition to the tribes just named, the establishment was patronized by Cathlamats, Clemaks, Tchilouits, Cathlaminimims and Ouakikours. From time to time, excursions were made into the country of the nearby Indians. Their villages were visited in order to gather as many furs as possible, and to learn the places where the Indian tribes met, for purposes of expanding trade.
On one such excursion, Mr. R. Stuart went with Calpo, a Tchinouk Indian, to 47° 20' north and 124° west. He was gone eighteen days. He found that the country abounded with beavers, otters, sea otters, dashes, deer, bear, and wolves, and fish of various species. The few Indians who lived this region were poor hunters and insolent. He thought, however, that an establishment with the Kodiak Indians would be advantageous, not only because they were good hunters, able to take more animals, including marine otters, but also because it ensured most of the fur trade to the north of Niouétie or the strait of Juan de Fuca.
The Indians frequently embarrassed the establishment by thefts, which they committed unceasingly. Sometimes the stolen objects were returned by the chiefs; generally displaying some zeal in carrying out these restitutions.
By September 7, it was realized that fewer Indians were coming than usual: it was about the time when they start moving to their winter quarters. They had hastened to dispose of their remaining pelts.
On the 26, the house where they were to winter was ready, and they moved in. It was built of wood and covered with cedar bark. They had made charcoal and gathered various provisions for the winter. Game was not absent during the bad weather season; there were pelicans, geese, ducks and seals; some black bears were also taken. Sometimes, however, they were short on provisions.
On October 2, they launched the small ship they had constructed. It was named Dolly. On the 12th of the same month, it was dispatched up the river, making several voyages. It was, among other things, very useful for transporting large pieces of lumber.
On the 5, they were agreeably surprised by the arrival of a dugout, which came from the establishment organized by Mr. D. Stuart on Okannaaken. It brought several of his traveling companions: an Iroquois hunter with his wife and two children, and an American hunter, whom Mr. Stuart had advised to go seek employment with the establishment. The travelers made a very satisfactory report on the gentle, hospitable, and honest Indians who remain above the falls of Columbia, likewise on the aspect and the products of the country.
The leaders of the establishment generally were satisfied with all their men. A certain Jeremy, however, was a man of a turbulent nature who had caused some disagreements. In July, they learned that he had gathered his effects, had hidden them in the woods, and had hired four Indians to lead him a certain distance up the river. He was called to account for this, and when they went with him to the place where he had deposited its effects and exposed them to the light of day, they were not a little surprised to find there many things belonging to various other people and to the company. He was reprimanded, and was required to sign a written promise of better conduct in the future; but, as he persisted in his project, he was put in irons and all his effects were locked up. A few days afterwards, he wrote a letter of repentance; he was pardoned, and he returned to his occupations.
It is said that there are some men that are incorrigible; Jeremy was one of this number. On November 10, it was learned that he had fled, together with two workmen named Pelleau, carrying off the clothes of some of his comrades. Four people, along with two Indians, were sent after them at once, to try to catch them before they could pass the rapids. Also helping were some natives, who had been promised a large reward if they caught them. It was learned on the 14th, that the fugitives had arrived at the Clatsops village, with the intention of gaining the Spanish colonies. An American and an Indian were put on their trail: the former returned the following day, because the Indian did not want to continue further; other attempts to hire Indians to pursue them were useless. The first search party also returned on the 20th, without success. However, they were informed, in the village of Tchilouits, that one had been seen in the vicinity. They therefore left two men there to watch for the fugitives. The 24th, they brought them to the fort. They had been found imprisoned in the village of Cathlanaminimis. The chief of this tribe, who had arrested them a few days before, had wanted a considerable reward for turning them over. Upon arrival, they were put in irons.
On January 18, 1812, two dugouts arrived at the fort, carrying Misters Donald Mackenzie, R. Macclellan, J. Reed and eight hunters. They were part of Mr. Hunt’s party, whom they had left, last November 2, on this side of the Rocky-Mountains with the Snake Indians. They separated from the party to seek horses, and, seeing that they were not able to be of any further help to their comrades, they continued onward. They endured severe difficulties, and thought that, if Mr. Hunt and his party continued their journey during the winter, they would have suffered from a shortage of food. The arrival of Mr. Mackenzie and his companions greatly pleased the inhabitants of the fort, because this increased their numbers enough to impress the Indians.
On February 15, Mr. Hunt arrived with six dugouts, which carried thirty men, a woman and two children (11). They had left Mr. Crooks and five men with the Snake Indians because they were too fatigued to press on. It was probable that they passed the winter amongst this tribe. As it was feared that they would need food, a dugout was sent on March 22 to bring them some, along with an assortment of goods. Mr. Reed and the five people who manned the dugout were to continue on to Saint-Louis, Missouri, and ultimately to New York, to carry dispatches there. The same day, Mr. R. Stuart also embarked, with Mr. Macclellan and others, for Mr. D. Stuart’s establishment. A third detachment went up the river in a dugout to unearth goods which had been cached in the ground.
With the return of spring, they occupied themselves with making excursions into the countryside to reconnoiter the resources which it could provide. Consequently, on March 31, Mr. Mackenzie left with seven men and two dugouts; their assignment was to examine the surroundings of Oulamat. All detachments that went into the interior were well armed, because they needed to be in a position to resist to the Indians, always, disposed to attack.
Twice, since their arrival, the Americans living on the banks of the Columbia had heard cannon firing offshore, but they had not seen any ship. They knew, however, that Mr. Astor would have to send new expeditions to re-supply them with trade goods, ammunition and provisions. They therefore were constantly in waiting, when, on May 7th, they learned that a ship was anchored in front of the mouth of the river. Misters Macdougall and Macclellan, accompanied by five others, descended Columbia to verify this report. It was well founded, because in the evening they saw the ship. Mr. Macdougall, upon his return, told that he had seen it maneuvering to move up river, and had heard a shot from the cannon. On the 8th, the vessel fired several more shots, which were answered. They sent the Dolly to help it pass the bar. Mr. Macdougall went on board, and recognized that it was the Beaver. The ship then anchored in the river, unloaded the men intended for the establishment, and put ashore the livestock that had been brought.
Since the departure of Mr. R. Stuart and his party, indirect news of them was received several times. Initially, it was heard that that the entire party had been killed at the first rapids, then that there had only been a skirmish with the Indians, and that they had escaped. Lastly, Mr. Pillet, who had been sent, with two men, to the Cathlapouttes to bring back an American named Pelton, who was returning to the fort when he was taken captive and held nearly two months. They returned with this Pelton on April 28. He reported that a little below the rapids, Mr. D. Stuart and his party had made an arrangement with the Indians to transport their baggage above the falls. Instead, the Indians loaded the baggage on their horses and fled. Mr. Stuart told them to return; they did not comply, and continued on towards the mountains. He then threatened to fire upon them, and then fired a rifle shot which killed one of the chiefs. A skirmish followed; Mr. Stuart was wounded in the neck, but not seriously, and continued his journey. Mr. Pillet says that the robbery was committed by the Tchilouits, a powerful and fierce tribe. On May 11, four dugouts coming from Mr. D. Stuart’s establishment arrived at the fort with him and Mr. R. Stuart. Thievery by the Indians had compelled their return; they had carried away two bundles of goods. They also wounded Mr. Reed, and took from him the package of important papers with which he had been entrusted. In the end, though, Mr. Stuart traded for more than thousand beaver pelts, which he had left with two of his companions. He had met and brought in Mr. Crooks and another American, who had all their goods stolen, and who, since then, had been living among the Indians.
Mr. Mackenzie and others who had gone to reconnoiter Oulamat returned on May 11. They submitted a very satisfactory report of the adjoining country; game, beaver, and fish abound there.
Since the arrival of Beaver, activity had redoubled at the American trading post. The cargo was unloaded and the fur returns were loaded. They hastened to finish the construction of the fort, and to make necessary preparations for the journey that Misters R. Stuart, R. Crooks and R. Macclellan had to undertake, returning through the Rocky Mountains to Saint Louis, thence to New York.
They left on June 29, 1812.
(1) We must acknowledge the kindness of S. Exc. Mr. Gallatin, ambassador plenipotentiary of the United States in France, and Mr. J.J. Astor, trader of New York, for communicating these interesting geographical manuscripts.
(2) Voyage of Vancouver, French translation, T.I, p. 252, in-4°.
(3) Ibid, p. 473.
(4) This the same person who went on a journey of discovery in the northern part of the grand Ocean, and recognized, after Lapérouse, the sleeve of Tartarie. This voyage was translated into French. - Paris, Deutu, 1807, 2 vol. in-8° by the undersigned.
(5) T. II, p. 64.
(6) The chart n° 6 of the atlas of The Voyage of Vancouver offers a map of the mouth of Columbia and Gray' s-Harbor.
(7)Voyages through the Continent of North America. - London, 1802, 2 vol. in-8°, T. II, p. 309; Frence translation, T.III, p. 350,3 vol. in-8°, - Paris, Dentu.
(8) National Intelligencer of Washington. June, 1813.
(9) T. XXII, p. 274.
(10) The details of this account differ in some unessential points from that which one reads in Annals of the Voyages, T. XXII, p. 287.
(11) The extract relating these travels will be found below.